Indian Muslims: Profile And Challenges

Prof Z M Khan

Muslim community in India is passing through great churning and transition. Their profile, specially in the areas of their security and their status in sectors of economy and education is low. They constitute 12% of the total Indian population. Their demographic spread covers almost every state and union territory. In certain areas they constitute majority like in Lancadive Minicoy (94.31%), in Jammu & Kashmir (67.13%). Three states in North India viz. Uttar Pradesh (23.73%), West Bangal (15.21%) and Bihar (12.58%) accommodate 52.13% of the Muslim population. Four southern states Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu account for 19.6% of the total Muslim population. However, their share in spheres of economy and education is far below than normal. There is dearth of official data, but in the light of some surveys and commission reports, it is established that Muslims are one of the most backward and marginalised communities of India as they do not figure more than 3-4 percent in any of the economic sectors. According to Gopal Singh Commission report of 1980 the Muslim representation is far below than the required like 3.27% in IAS, 2.7% in IPS, 3.37% in IFS, 1.56% in Central subordinate services. There are many other surveys, which reflect the same proportions.

Some Muslim organisations like Hamdard Education Society and the Institute of Objective Studies have compiled data, which further confirm the same trend. In the realm of programmes and schemes initiated by the government, there are quite famous exclusive schemes and organisations like i) 15-Point Programme ii) National Minorities Development and Finance Corporation, iii) National Minorities Commission, iv) Constituting of riot-task force etc. But the implementation part has been faulty. A.R. Antulay, former Chief Minister of Maharastra and Union Minister said, " During my 53 years of public life in the post-independence era certain special privileges and concessions were allowed to be declared. I repeat allowed to be declared by Government in favour of the minorities. Now in practical terms the declared concessions, facilities and extra privileges were never extended to them. The declarations thus remained as mere slogan".

Story about the profile and challenges faced by the Muslims in India is quite complex and long, hence, obvious details and incidents may be avoided. However, apart from distinct areas of concern, there are ample contextually relevant material in multiple spheres. So, even a point wise description is bound to be long, that needs a classified presentation. The relevant facts about profile and challenges are divided into following sectors.

Historical Impediments

India has been a multi-religious society characterised by tolerance and accommodation all through the history. There is no record of religious warfare even during Muslim rule, barring a few sundry examples of intolerant rulers. Religious harmony on all levels was the feature of Muslim period. But, by the beginning of 20th century situation began to show its ugly ramifications in the form of communal tensions and violence basically as a result of designed efforts of colonial rulers in India. Alongwith, British rulers preferred to replace Muslim elite by Hindu in a planned fashion. Economic and political competitiveness unleashed by the process of modernisation put Indian Muslims in a difficult situation. Educational backwardness and social orthodox thinking were factors to make Indian Muslims as status-quoits community. Colonial Masters sow the seeds of communal discord. Parties like Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League successfully communalised Indian politics. Two world wars, national movement, khilafat movement were great events of the time. Separatist trends in Indian politics culminated in the partition of India and creation of states based on two nations theory. Decolonization was ironically accompanied by one of the worst blood baths in human history between communities having fraternal links among them. Indian Muslims were dazed and baffled. During this phase of 20th century, following major trends can be identified and may be taken up by different branches of social scientists for an objective analysis.

1. Planned efforts for marginalisation and alienation of Muslim elite by colonial rulers and its replacement by Hindu elite. Coupled with economic, political competitiveness, it resulted into communal tension among Hindus and Muslims.
2. Colonial policies aiming at strengthening communal forces in India with the help of state legislation and bureaucratic set up.
3. Social and educational backwardness created suspicion and insecurity in the minds of Muslims.
4. Indian National Congress failed to achieve its targets and a situation of political clash with Muslim League cropped up.
5. Abolition of khilafat and marginalisation of Muslims as to implement the global policy of Britishers against Muslims. Its impact on Indian Muslims.
6. National Movement and Separatist politics.
7. Role of Muslims in national liberation struggle particularly launched by Muslim Ulema.
8. Emergence of collective violence on religious issues.
9. Partition and its aftermath.

Indian Muslims entered post-independence phase in a situation of insecurity and uncertainity. It was forced to nurse the guilt of creating Pakistan. They were dazed and indecisive. However, one of most striking positive gains of the post-independence era is that Indian Muslims could acquire an all India identity. It can easily be recalled that up to early 1970s, a question was under discussion in seminars as to whether Indian Muslims had an all India religious identity or not? In early 1970s the creation of Bangladesh was the negation of two nations theory and there was a perceptible change in the psychological mould of Indian Muslims. Series of communal riots and other communal factors on the part of majority communal forces, forced Indian Muslims to acquire a distinct identity. This phase has witnessed a number of challenges faced by Indian Muslims as identified below:

1. A consistent and conscious propaganda of fixing responsibility of partition of India on Indian Muslim community.
2. Communal riots and brutal killings alongwith destruction of property.
3. No proper inquiries, worthwhile payment of compensations, punishment to criminal elements, mass killing, to a large extent, remained nobody’s crime.
4. Alienation of Muslims from economic and service sectors.
5. Constant propaganda about appeasement of Muslims.
6. Using Muslims as vote bank by political parties.
7. Perpetuation of socio-economic backwardness of Muslims, is not of point of concern to ruling elit.
8. False propaganda about their demography and misuse of family laws.
9. Discrimination and alienation of Muslims on socio-economic and educational levels.
10. Brutal behaviour of police and other security forces.
11. Situation of apathy or lip service on the part of ruling elite.
12. Constitutional rights could not be enjoyed by Muslims due to number of factors.
13. Creation and perpetuation of majority/minority complex.
14. Misuse of harsh laws like TADA and Pota against Muslims.

Ideational Crisis

More serious were the challenges emanating from the state of confusion and doubt on intellectual and ideational plane. During the freedom struggle, there emerged three prominent schools of thought among Muslims. But, all of these contained elements of inner inconsistencies and contradictions, which surfaced in a big way after independence. The secular communalists did not realise that the western culture they admired was the negation of communalist’s principles. Second school was of religious Muslims. They failed to understand that the Indian nationalism and struggle for liberation, which they supported whole heartedly with religious vigour, was basically based on modern liberal outlook and western methodology. It could not go a long way with them and could serve only a timely requirement due to its inherent inconsistencies. And, finally the Muslim secular nationalists made the mistake of using religion to back their demand for freedom and for mobilising a support base among Muslims. Eventually, they tried to come closer to Muslim Ulema. These contradictions blurred the vision and paralysed Muslim mind during the post-independence phase. It created a situation of confusion and vacuum on ideational level.

Political Issues

Independent India as a nation preferred to adopt a western liberal democratic political model. It tried to pick up a most modern democratic political structure borrowing from all over the western countries and structured the Indian constitution. It reflected an attempt to evolve an instrument of securing liberal, secular and egalitarian objectives based on liberty, equality and social justice, However, it was made to operate with orthodox and tradition bound variety of social structures and practices. These social forces were not in tune with the political set up, hence, there were scores of tensions. Both of these dichotomous structures were made functional with already exploited economy by the colonial powers. The nascent economic infrastructure had suffered from inbuilt exploitative mechanism and inequalities. Indian Muslims had to bear the burden of these tensions in a more general sense with other backward and weaker sections of Indian society, but they had to suffer in an exclusive manner in more specific situation due to communal propaganda and the myth creating mechanism. The rise of ideology of Hindutva and effects of communal politics are obvious areas of concern. In certain situations administrative organs fail to respond adequately to social economic needs of Muslim community and even-constitutional methods adopted by vested interests came to play overwhelming role in public affairs. This obstructs the working of legitimate institutions and destroys the very apparatus of relief and conflict resolution Muslims in India have a long list of such strains and prejudices ranging from communal violence to discriminatory laws like POTA. Besides these tensions, dominance of certain interest groups and political parties in decision making constitutes another source of hardships.

Issues

1. To understand the nature of Indian state and political system
2. Security of Muslims as a community
3. Political Participation
4. Share in decision making
5. Building structures for political activities
6. Alliance and alignments
7. Fostering Inter community linkages
8. Watch centres for Muslim leadership
9. Commitment of Muslims to national development and protection of Constitution, democracy and secularism
10. Protection of Muslim elite in various fields and their linkages with the community
11. Use of community structures to spread awareness
12. Evolving the strategy to use legal space available for redressal of grievances
13. Preparation and submission of drafts of supportive legislation

Economic Situation

In terms of identifying parameters of economic sector concerning Muslims in India the foremost factor is the correct knowledge and assessment of Indian economy and its financial dynamics. It may be noted that Indian economy is strong in its fundamentals. India started with a highly under developed economy but in spite of hardships the pattern of mixed economy did contribute to the growth of Indian economy and by 1985 India obtained self-sufficiency in many sectors including food sector. Now India is exporting food items to many countries. Economic liberalisation initiated in 1990 could boost the growth rates. Though during last three years the growth rate is low but in coming years the growth rate is expected to be high to the tune of 8% as claimed by the economic planners. Such a growth rate is contributory to developmental process only in a situation of keeping up the high growth rate for longer extent of time. For example, globally the growth rate is 3% USA is 3.5% Japan is nearly 2%. But these economies are developed economies. The per capita income in USA is $30,000 while in India it is $400, hence the higher growth rate would make difference only if it is kept up for longer years, as it has happened in case of China. The Economists are hopeful that India may figure in advanced economies acquiring placement somewhere in first five. But there are some negative elements and concerns, like the job market is squeezing rapidly and there is polarisation of income. The quality of governance is reflective of insensitivity to the problems of common man. These all are indicative of increasing the income inequality among groups. Besides, there are certain clearly visible policy trends like that of the withdrawal of state from economic sectors. Without indulging in assessing the process of disinvestment, it is certain that government is upto implementing economic reforms. Privatisation and liberalisation are some steps to reduce the chances of availability of jobs in Government sectors. Industries and service sectors are catching up. High productive sectors are being identified and private investment opportunities are being worked out. Government is coming out of controlled production sectors. The low productive sectors are being revamped by private investors and it would open up the avenues for labour shift to high productive sectors. Now, the skill building process must from the basis of future planning.

Moral, Educational And Social Challenges

Degradation is distinctively marked in areas of moral behaviour and educational development of Muslim community. The community is socially and culturally divided. Islamisation in socio-cultural sense has to be taken up as a project so that Islamic values may become viable and relevant. Ideological parameters and Tawhidi paradigm of Islam sets certain objectives limits in the form of essential prescriptions, but leaves tremendous accommodative space as well. Education is also a big area and needs utmost attention. A balanced education is needed. Community resources and structures do need to be improved and used. National educational systems are to be used as a matter of right with a competitive spirit.

Issues

1. Islamisation of the community
2. Utilisation of community structures specially Madrasas.
3. Muslim and Islamia school structures may be revitalised
4. Muslim managed educational institutions may be revamped
5. Essential data for evaluation on education is to be generated
6. Need and mobilisation of resources for centres of excellence in various sectors of education.
7. Women education must form the core of the planning.
8. To evaluate the reasons for educational backwardness
9. Courses of decline of social order
10. Modernisation and mobility
11. Inter community linkages and common heritage
12. Projection of human face of Islam
13. Role of leadership

Positive Trends

There is no denying the fact that Indian Muslims have experienced certain positive trends as well during post-independence phase. One may be reminded of Lasswell’s view that civilian morale cracks under the strain of perpetual fear. But, other factors like democratic set up, an open system, electoral participation, economic developmental processes etc. have set positive trends for Indian Muslims as well. Some of the broad trends are given as under:

1. Growing realisation based on analysis and researches that Muslims could not be solely held responsible for partition of India
2. Polarisation of liberal-secular forces among majority community. Reactions on demolition of Babri mosque were a welcome sign
3. Emergence of an All India identity of Muslims
4. Indian Muslims are trying to come out of a complacent and romantic world view of their past
5. A process of confidence building in the constitutional system of India and analysing situation from power sharing view point in Indian decision-making system
6. A conscious and realistic efforts to identify problems and potentials of the community
7. Growth of a marginal professional class, which believes in scientific and realist attitude
8. A quest to find out alternative paradigm of analysis and research
9. Growing realisation of importance of Muslims in electoral politics
10. Rise of realist and competent Muslim elite
11. Positive linkages with international Muslim Ummah
12. Realisation for building new models and institutions suited to Indian Muslims based on Islamic moral foundations

Remedial Measures

The capacity building and skill generation processes must be preceded by studies to know and analyse the economic system, the economic policies and the operational environment.

The starting point of this action plan is to comprehend the nature, dynamics and parameters of national development in all sectors and to create infrastructure and linkages with different agents of development. It is not an easy task. It can be done by experts in the concerned areas. This effort cannot be taken up at individual level. There has to be a committed effort to set up NGOs for preparing blue-prints in different spheres. Establishment of concerned NGOs for providing information and guidance in areas of right type of education and economic development should be taken up on priority basis. It is a point of satisfaction that there are some measures visible in this direction. These NGOs must develop their own information resources and permanent think tanks to continue with their work. There may be networking of these NGOs so that duplication may be avoided and proper feedback channels may be made effective.

One of encouraging developments is the emergence of professional elite from local to international level. These have to be inter-linked in a meaningful fashion. The flow of information and resources may give quick results. For example, potential in the areas of availability of human resources and investment can easily be harnessed. These efforts would act as providing avenues to political competitors in different fields. There may be specialised agencies to prepare short term and long term projects in different spheres. Alongwith, there should be a chain of modern financial institutions to guide and help Muslim artisans and workmen to be engaged in up-coming industries and trade.

There has to be identification and constant articulation of emerging Muslim elite that must forge meaningful ties with lower strata of society. They should develop confidence in themselves. And, confidence-building measures should be initiated at all levels. There are three important universities: Aligarh Muslim University, Jamia Millia Islamia and Jamia Hamdard. Opportunities provided by these institutions must be utilised to maximum extent. Indian Muslim must find out ways to regulate the running of these universities and provide meaningful help in their development. There should be a chain of counselling and career guidance centres. The available talent must be properly developed into skills.

India as a nation commits to the ideals of democracy and secularism. Liberal traditions of Indian culture suiting to pluralism in India are backed up by Indian culture and philosophy. But, over a few decades the integrationists have launched political movement based on 'one nation, one culture' philosophy. The socio-economic cleavages among people and cultures are being politicised and the nation is facing new kinds of challenges. Secularism and democracy need to be protected. These concepts are actually essential for survival of Muslims and other minorities in India. Muslims should come forward and launch democratic struggle to save democracy in India. Another important duty is to provide justice to scores of marginalised non-Muslim sections of Indian society. The Dalits, backwards castes etc. constitute the majority and most of them have started looking to Muslims to come closer to them and evolve common strategy to fight for justice.

Indian Muslims have an all India network of traditional Islamic institutions like Mektabs, Madrasas, Masajid and Awqaf centres. All of them reach to the remotes of the country. These are in bad shape and vested interests do not allow much to be done in these areas. But, Madrasas are big signs of hope. These institutions may be improved and revived to act as important centres for community work. These institutions should be modernized and monitored.

Indian Muslims must not aspire for Government jobs only. The whole orientation should be to participate in and through private sector. Efforts must be made to fill the gap between the well of and the worst of. Institutional arrangements particularly through specially designed NGOs must be taken up and necessary-enabling steps should be designed and arranged.

The Muslims must try to join the mainstream economic development. Alienation from polity and economy must be avoided. It would require very special efforts for arranging ultra specialisation in various sectors. The human resources must be increased so that their contributive value goes up. There is an urgent need to develop specific pools of financial and human resources.

Muslims are living in urban areas in a sizeable number, they should plan and arrange avenues of creating shift of labour from one sector to the other, so that low productive sector may be avoided. Presently 60% of labour in manufacture sector produces only 20% of GNP. Muslims must also indulge in taking up schemes of planned mobility from one place to another. Their movement of labour is a big advantage as guaranteed by law but there is a trend in many states to put restrictions on inward flow of labour from outside the state. Such laws should be resisted by all those sections, which are adversely effected by these laws. Muslims must make a common goal with these groups by participating in the mainstream economy.

India keeps a good record in area of savings. The saving rate is 27%. Muslims must adopt measures of savings and seeking viable avenues of investment in right kind of industry. It is revealed that in coming 10 years the whole education system would undergo a drastic change. Education, training and orientation would be the basic ingredients of education system. It would be substantially privatised and concentration would be on skill building measures. Muslims have to strive hard to use this opportunity. Education sector is of prime importance for any kind of development of Muslims in India.

Muslims economic planners and educational experts will have to focus on the training and development of Muslim women folk. A progressive culture is to be infused, so that Muslim women are exposed and their talents are harnessed for their contribution in the development process of the society and the nation.

One of the strong points of Muslim community is the presence of relatively high number of artisans in various sectors. The small-scale industry sectors must be linked with over all economic development so that technical, financial and managerial help may be provided to the units of artisans. Such a list can really be further elaborated on the special measures to be taken by the community. The experts may be asked to prepare a list of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats (SWOT) of Muslim community, so that a starting point of action plan and strategy is available (a tentatively worked out list of these four elements is attached for ready reference, Annexure-I. It was worked out in a workshop organised by the IOS in New Delhi.)

Role of NGOs in economic empowerment of Muslims is assuming importance in present context. The vacuum created by the withdrawal of state is generally being filled either by private sectors or the NGOs. There is a mushroom growth of NGOs all over. Elements of confusion and duplication may creep in, hence, there is a great need for creating synergy and to plan for co-operation among Muslim NGOs in particular and with other mainstream NGOs in general. There was a time when an NGO was made up of a religious organisation, humanity groups, civic association and self-help organisation but many new types of NGOs are acquiring operational space like the groups interested in poverty alleviation, protection of environment, human rights etc. The vision of alternative development strategies has gained grounds. The NGOs may be classified in three categories according to their orientation and programme strategy – (A) Relief and welfare (B) Local self-reliance and (C) Sustainable systems development. It is possible that these three orientations co-exist within the larger NGOs community and some time even in one single NGO. D.C. Corten calls these NGOs as, first, second and third generation NGOs. Generally the third generation NGOs are engaged in re-examination of strategic issues relating to sustainability, extent of impact and recurring cost recovery. There is a growing realisation that acting on their own, such NGOs can not benefit more than a few favoured localities. Thus there is a need for designed, co-operation and co-ordination among such NGOs.

Another phenomenon is the transformation of 'culture of production' to the 'culture of information and scientific knowledge'. The Muslim NGOs can really participate substantially in the area of building skills of Muslim youth. In one of his lecture Robert Herschberg stresses performance based learning and evaluation, he says "whosoever controls the high wage human resources, controls the economy ….… collaboration among various societal institutions to bring about this change is a must". These NGOs may seek help from other research and educational centres including universities. These NGOs have to concentrate on organisational strategy, committed leadership, membership composition, quality of strategies, levels of operation and finally external environment, which include the relationship with NGOs, the target group, surrounding community and the Government. In the field of operational excellence participatory approach based on democratic norms and legal permissibility are to be encouraged. In this area, it will not be out of place to mention a few developments concerning Muslims of India in post 1990s after the demolition of Babri Mosque. First contrary to the earlier trend, Muslim intellectuals could break their silence and have come forward to express through organised forums and Associations. Secondly, there is an emergence of Muslim backward class movements with a view to organise Muslims of lower strata consisting of a wide range of professional groups such as craftsmen, artisans, weavers, washermen, vegetable and fruit sellers etc. Thirdly, instead of preparing homogeneous packages of demands for the entire community, Muslim leaders are laying stress on the identification of their diverse smaller groups and regional socio-economic, educational and political interests. In October 1995, three conventions in Calcutta, Mumbai and Hyderabad were organised on the educational problems of Muslims by different organisations. In December 1995, the U.P. Rabeta Committee, in collaboration with more than a dozen active organisations all over the country, organised an All India Taleemi Caravan. One important factor is that all sections and organisations are associating in these efforts. The Institute of Objective Studies (IOS) and the Indian Association of Muslim Social Scientists (IAMSS), Milli Council etc. have been highly active in these areas. There were series of conference on Empowerment of Muslims in Hyderabad, Delhi, Patna, Calcutta, Chennai, Aligarh etc. organised by the IAMSS and the proceedings are being published in II volumes by the beginning of 2003. One may find eminent intellectuals and Ulema including vice chancellors, members of Minority Commissions, journalists, bureaucrats etc. coming together and showing zeal to work and organise efforts on scientific lines. In Ahmedabad also a three day meeting of Muslim elite and non-Muslim secularists was organised on problems of education and employment, the non-working and corruption within Muslim institutions, reforms and rights of Muslim women etc in July 1996. In Patna, on 21 December 1996, an international conference was organised jointly by Muslim Education Conference and American Federation Muslims. The IOS and IAMSS alongwith other organisations may be credited to bring major shades of Muslim elite on a common platform. About Patna event, S.F. Rab writes with a sense of satisfaction, "For the first time such a cream of society was witnessed in post-independence India which appears to be an encouraging trend among the Indian Muslims and obviously the quality of Muslim leadership is likely to be improved in coming years both in content and tone. In this regard, another significant development of 1990s is the emergence of Muslim Backward Class Movement. On 29 August, 1996 more than 30,000 OBC Muslims were in Delhi and demanded that all the benefits given to Hindu OBCs be given to them. Similarly in Patna there was a large number of backward class Muslim intellectuals on 9 April 1997 under the aegis of "All India Backward Muslim Morcha". They demanded reservation for Dalit and backward Muslims and implementation of Gopal Singh Commission Report.

The question of over all development, thus, should be taken in its entirety where the Muslim Community, the government and civil society have to work in close co-operation. Initiatives should come from the Muslims in terms of futuristic plans and strategies. Past was glorious, present is deplorable but future can really be satisfactorily bright if 120 million Muslims of this country work in a planned manner with a modern approach and techniques. There may be networking of NGOs. The points of strengths of Muslim community and utilisation of human resource in a broader perspective of mainstream developments can bring astonishing results.