Society
Books dealing with social issues.
Empowerment of Muslims in India Through Information and Communication : A. U. Asif
Name of the Book: Empowerment of Muslims in India Through Information and Communication
Author: A.U.Asif
Publisher: Institute of Objective Studies, New Delhi
Pp: 151
Price: Rs. 180
Reviewed by: Yoginder Sikand
The role of the mass media in empowering communities is a recognized fact. Given that Muslims in India are, on the whole, a marginalized community, the mass media can play a crucial role in promoting internal reform and facilitating the community’s social, economic, educational and political empowerment. The importance of the mass media is further enhanced in the current context of growing anti-Muslim sentiments which large sections of the media, national as well as international, are engaged in actively cultivating. This is the underlying message of this timely book.
The book begins with a chapter surveying the Muslim presence in the mass media, both print as well as electronic, in India today. The author points to the negligible presence of Muslim employees in ‘mainstream’ media organizations and to the remarkably low number of Muslim-owned newspapers and magazines in languages other than Urdu. Of the approximately 750 daily English newspapers in the country, only one�the Mumbai-based Mid-Day�is owned by Muslims. Yet even this single paper, an evening tabloid, cannot be said to represent Muslim views. Barely half a dozen of the roughly 3500 daily Hindi newspapers in the country are run by Muslims. Only two of the 225 daily newspapers published from Kerala in Malayalam are Muslim-owned. Gujarat has a single Muslim-run Gujarati newspaper. The situation is similar in the case of other regional languages. Likewise, in the case of periodicals in languages other than Urdu. Most of these, Asif says, are poorly and rather unprofessionally managed.
The remaining section of the book consists of interviews with media persons, Muslims as well as others, eliciting their views about Muslim representation in the Indian media. Understandably, there is considerable repetition in what they have to say, and this the author could conveniently have left out. The interviews itself lack depth, are somewhat superficial and the language is rather shoddy. An issue that many interviewees deal with is the negligible number of Muslims in the non-Urdu media. Various explanations are offered for this, including discrimination and lack of sufficiently qualified applicants. While many Muslim respondents working in ‘mainstream’ media houses stress that they do not face any discrimination in the workplace and in covering Muslim issues, some say that they have to be extra-cautious in dealing with issues related to Muslims and Hindu-Muslim conflict so as not to appear to be ‘biased’ or ‘pro-Muslim’, a burden that Hindu journalists do not have to carry. It is almost as if Muslims, in contrast to Hindus, cannot be expected to be objective and fair in discussing issues related to Hindu-Muslim controversies. A related issue that should have been raised in this regard but is curiously absent in all the interviews is that of the caste-class character of the ‘mainstream’ Indian media, being dominated almost entirely by ‘upper’ caste Hindus.
Another issue, which is barely touched upon in the interviews but which deserves to be discussed in considerable detail, is the tendency of large sections of the non-Muslim media to present Muslims and Islam in a negative light. The issue of Hindutva-leaning journalists and the impact of Western media discourses demonizing Islam and Muslims is hardly discussed. However, some interviewees do point to the fact that the non-Muslim media displays little or no interest in highlighting positive stories or images of Muslims and in discussing their manifold social, economic, educational and political problems and concerns. Instead, Muslims are talked about almost only in the context of some controversy or the other, particularly in the context of violence, thus reinforcing negative stereotypical images of Muslims.
A third issue that some interviewees refer to is the condition of the Urdu media. Some of them argue that the future of Urdu and Urdu journalism is bleak in India, both because of the discriminatory policies of the state vis-à-vis the Urdu language as well as because north Indian Muslim elites, who appear to champion the cause of Urdu, have done little to promote it. Poor working conditions in Urdu media houses, lack of freedom, professionalism and objectivity, and tendency to engage in ‘desk-work’ rather than ‘field-work’ are a characteristic feature of many Urdu publications, they argue. Other features of large sections of the Urdu press, such as an overwhelming focus on urban Muslim issues and lack of stories and reports on rural Muslims, who constitute the majority of the Muslim population, the inter-sectarian debates that some Urdu publications excel in fanning and the narrow focus of many of these on Muslim communitarian issues while ignoring broader issues facing the country as a whole are, however, not dealt with, although they should have.
The book concludes with an ambitious list of suggestions for Muslim organizations to adopt in order to increase the Muslim presence in media houses and to counter anti-Muslim prejudice being spread through the media. These include setting up news and feature agencies specializing in Muslim-related issues, establishing media institutes in every state, providing scholarships for Muslim students pursuing courses in mass media, organizing workshops for media persons to sensitize them on Islamic and Muslim issues, co-ordination between Muslim and other like-minded journalists, launching daily newspapers in English, Hindi and regional languages and starting more Muslim community radio stations and Urdu television channels that would focus on Muslim social issues. If any of this actually comes about remains to be seen, however.
Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India: By Ashutosh Varshney
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Book: Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India Author:Ashutosh Varshney Publisher: Yale University Press Year: 2002
Reviewed by : |
This is a remarkably good book. The empirical research is impeccable; the analysis is careful; and the argument is persuasive. The issue is simple: Why is it that certain towns in India erupt into communal violence and others do not?
To answer this question, Vashney combined a careful analysis of the Times of India
covering the period 1950–1995 with interviews within carefully selected cities. These interviews operated on two levels � the elite (i.e., the leadership of the city) and a cross-section of the city taken from every strata. The cities chosen all had similar percentages of Hindu-Muslim populations. The first pair was Aligarh and Calicut; the second pair was Hyderabad and Lucknow; and the third pair � Ahmedabad and Surat � was the most interesting. This latter pair come from Gandhi’s state � Gujarat. The book weaves together a riveting description of the history and culture of these cities with a fascinating analysis. The argument that emerges is that there is a direct link between the structure of civil society and ethnic violence. By “civil society,� Vashney means the social gap between the family and the State: so all forms of social activity are part of civil society, including political parties insofar as they operate as a vehicle for association in a city or a town.
Now in a small village, everyday and informal ‘civic communication’ might be sufficient to keep the peace when tension occurs, however, Vashney shows, in a city this is not enough. For peace in the city, there is a need for what he calls “associational civic engagement.� In other words, there is a need for structures and organizations, in which Hindus and Muslims are members, to become a bulwark against potential communal violence. So, for example, in the 1920s and 30s in both Ahmedabad and Surat the following organizations were strong: the Congress Party, the Gandhian voluntary associations, and the Business associations. (In Ahmedabad, the labor unions were also strong.) The net result in both cities was peace. In the 1980s and 90s, the Congress party was in decline; the Hindu BJP was on the increase. Correspondingly, the Gandhian voluntary associations were in decline and the Hindu nationalist organizations were on the rise. The net result was two cities that became unstable. As a result, Ahmedabad had violence throughout the 1980s and into the 90s. Meanwhile, December 1992 in Surat saw 197 people killed. It was only the strength of the business associations in Surat that saved Old Surat; all the killing took place in the shantytowns.
This book deserves a wide readership. It is a milestone on the road towards a better understanding of coping with diversity in the city. It is, in many respects, a vindication of the work of the political theorist Edmund Burke, who stressed the importance of the “little platoons� (the organizations between the State and the individuals). Human life everywhere needs the community that these organizations provide. However, in addition, Varshney argues, these “little platoons,� provided they are properly constructed, can save many lives.
Published in the Muslim World.
Halaat Badal Saktey Hain (Urdu) : Prof. Mohsin Usmani Nadwi
Halaat Badal Saktey Hain (Urdu)
Author: Prof. Mohsin Usmani Nadwi
Qazi Publishers
B-35, Basement, Opp. Mogra Guest House
Nizamuddin West, New Delhi – 110013
Price : Not Mentioned
Year: 2004
Reviewed by Mohammed Ayub Khan
Most books promising an elixir for all the ills of the Ummah turn out to be absolute duds with the usual fare of supremacist rhetoric, glorification of the past and the hate for the ‘other.’ The book under review is different in several aspects. Its arguments are passionate yet reasoned. Its style is elegant and flowing without the empty rhetoric. The balanced personality of the author reflects throughout the book. Prof.Mohsin Usmani Nadwi, Head of the Arabic Department at Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages, offers a realistic analysis of the current state of affairs of Indian Muslims and how it can be changed for the better in Halaat Badal Saktey Hain. He does so in the light of the Quran, Seerah and history.
Charting a different course from the prevalent habit of reducing the science of Tafseer to mere story-telling, Prof. Usmani adopts a novel approach to the study of the Qur’an. He finds many lessons to be learned by Indian Muslims from the life of Yusuf (AS). The Indian Muslim community in India finds itself in a situation similar to the one faced by Yusuf (AS) in Egypt. They can overcome their present state of despair by inculcating the legendary faith, patience, perseverance and fortitude of Yusuf (AS). He compares the attitude of the dominant community in India towards its Muslims with that of the brothers of Yusuf (AS) towards him. Despite their jealousy and hatred which caused so many problems for him, costing him his freedom, he did not retaliate and was instead generous towards them. Muslims should replicate such prophetic behavior and work towards winning the hearts through generosity, forgiveness and kindness. He makes it clear that the character of Indian Muslims is not as innocent as that of Yusuf (AS) and that they too have a share in contributing to the animosity between the two communities. Prof.Usmani uncovers other gems that are of relevance today. Referring to the organizational capabilities of Yusuf (AS) in the times of famine in Egypt, he urges today’s Muslims to develop skill and professionalism to serve the humanity.
He says Muslims must plan for their development but they won’t be successful if they are based on disobedience of God. “When a person cannot wake up for the morning prayers fighting the joys of sleep, it should be understood that such a person has failed in the test of God-consciousness and patience.� (p.50)
Urging Muslims to break out of their shells the author says that they must develop better relations with other communities and prove their worth as exemplary citizens. At the same time they shouldn’t be lax when it comes to security. They should neither inflict nor suffer any injustice. They should stop labeling themselves as a minority as it generates an inferiority complex that is not at all healthy for progress.
The author urges the Muslim community to not to fall for the propaganda of population control theorists who call high birthrates as a risk to development. He says there is strength in numbers. This view might seem as retarding in development. But there have been several leading Western and other economists who challenged the neo-Malthusian fears. A striking similarity can be found in Usmani’s views with those of the Cornucopian school of thought like Julian Simon who argued that there are little or no limits to growth. A new book “From population control to reproductive health� by Mohan Rao further solidifies this argument. Whatever the merit of this argument the author should have cautioned his readers that his views should not lead to irresponsibility by men who father huge families without taking into account the health of the mother and are indifferent towards the health, educational, economic and other needs of the children. Large families with illiterate and underfed children living in cramped and unhygienic localities do not add to the strength of the community but instead get trapped into a cycle of poverty, marginalization and virtual slavery of other communities.
The author overlooks the role of what believing but not all that practicing Muslims can play in the development of the Indian Muslim community. After all there are many Muslims who cherish and value Islamic beliefs but are lax in observing their prayers and other required practices. Recent events have shown that they too have a significant role to play. In Mumbai for example, an Ahle Hadith Maulana , a conservative businessman and a progressive cine-writer do not feel any hesitation in come together to form an organization working for the education of children in the slum areas of Bandra.
Halaat Badal Saktey Hain is truly an extra-ordinary book. One can disagree with some aspects of the book but its over all message is worth considering. Its message of hope holds relevance not only for Indian Muslims but also elsewhere where they live as ‘minorities.’ If Prof.Usmani’s ideas are developed further and translated into action they can herald the dawn of a new beginning.
Tremors of Violence-Muslim Survivors of Ethnic Strife in Western India : by Rowena Robinson
Tremors of Violence; Muslim Survivors of Ethnic Strife in Western India
Author(s): Robinson, Rowena
ISBN: 0761934081
Year: 11/30/2005
Witnesses don't trust enquiry commissions: Book
New Delhi, Apr 02: Unease and discomfort with the enquiry commissions are the reasons why witnesses turn hostile and lie, says a new book.
Also, there is an element of mistrust in these enquiry commissions because of which people tend to lie while submitting before them, says the book 'Tremors of Violence-Muslim Survivors of Ethnic Strife in Western India' recounting the experiences of people tormented by violence.
"There seems to be, further, among the victims of the violence, a certain mistrust of the capacity of the commissions to deliver the truth," says book by Rowena Robinson, an associate professor in sociology at IIT, Mumbai.
"The state government of Gujarat had to admit to the Supreme Court that the high court trial in the case of the Best Bakery violence may have been flawed and that the prosecution's 'hostile' witnesses may have been won over or coerced," says Robinson and goes on to establish a link between backwardness and communal violence.
"The interconnecting trajectories of riots and the economic and social marginalisation... is not a simple story...Studies on communalism have rarely been shy of showing that many riots implicate naked economic rivalries. Indeed, violence against minorities over the last several decades has involved enormous destruction of property and livelihood, apart from life" it says.
The book compiles the narratives and interviews of many survivors of post-1947 communal riots in Mumbai, Baroda and Ahmedabad (Gujarat) that turn to the role played by riots in "depressing their fortunes, changing around priorities, fracturing aspirations, fostering vulnerability and infusing stability".
The book highlights how communal violence and its repercussions had "considerably deteriorated" the social and economic position of Muslims in the society.
"In so many instances, children were taken out of school for sons had to contribute to the household, while sending daughters outside the house was fringed with an extra layer of insecurity, especially where a father had been killed and a mother struggled alone," says one such survivor of Dharavi riots in Mumbai.
Similarly, another survivor in Ahmedabad spoke of her bitter experiences on how her family business was destroyed during one riot and how every ethnic strife doomed them further.
"My husband used to sell leatherwork items. It was good business. Our house was burnt in 1985. We returned to rebuild it. It was looted and burnt again in the next two riots. Every four years or so we find our house destroyed. My husband is reduced to selling bangles now. After each riot, we have to learn to spend less and less," she says as quoted in the book.
Robinson who calls her book "an ethnographic study" of Muslim survivors of communal violence, has attempted to capture a cross-section of Muslims here - men, women, priests, religious leaders, social activists.
Bureau Report
source:
Zee News